INTRO: Since 1967, the federating units of the Nigeria federation became known as the “states,” following the creation of the 12 states by General Yakubu Gowon. Prior to that, the federating units were called regions, especially since the Richards Constitution of 1946 that introduced regionalism in Nigeria. The regions were 3 in number originally until 1963 when the Mid-Western region was carved out of the Western Region. During the era of regionalism, there were agitations for separate administrative entities (states) by the minority ethnic nationalities who were being marginalized or so they felt, by the big three ethnic groups: Hausa (Northern Region), Igbo (Eastern Region), Yoruba (Western Region). Prior to independence, in 1957, this had necessitated the Henry Willink Commission tasked with ascertaining the facts about the fears of minorities in any part of Nigeria in order to propose means of allaying those fears, whether well or ill founded. The Commission in their reports refused to recommend state creation for the minorities (Omotosho, 2009). Accordingly, there were agitations for the Calabar-Ogoja-River (COR) State Movement in the East; the Benin and Delta Movements in the West, and the Middle Belt Movement in the North. Since 1967, according to Adeniyi (2014), the federation underwent significant expansion, starting with 19 states by March 1976. By 1987, it had increased to 21 states, including the addition of a new federal capital territory in Abuja. The number of states further rose to 30 by August 1991 and ultimately reached 36 by 1996. In total therefore, the federal structure of Nigeria has been altered for six good times in 1963, 1967, 1976, 1987, 1991 and 1996. These changes in the structure of Nigeria’s federation were entirely done by the several military governments in Nigeria with the exception of the creation of the Mid-West region in 1963. It is also worthy of note that even though that there were genuine calls for the creation of the states, the restructuring of the federation served the interest of the various leaders. In this thought, for instance, the creation of 12 states served Gowon in clipping the wings of the secessionist Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu of the Eastern region.
In
the recent times, there have been bills in the legislature for the creation of
new states in Nigeria including a bill seeking to
create Ijebu, Oke-Ogun and Ife-Ijesa states; and another for the
creation of Etiti state, and yet another
for the creation of Orlu state, and also another for the creation of Anioma
state. The bills were greeted with mixed reactions. The supporters claim that state
creation in Nigeria is long overdue as it holds serious development potentials
while the detractors including Dr
Olisa Agbakoba (SAN) call it a misplaced priority. While it is not in our
interest to join the debates, we explored the various reasons for the creation
of states in Nigeria in this piece. 
The reasons for the creation
of states in Nigeria are as follows:
- Diversities:
     Nigeria features immense diversities in religion, ethnicity, language,
     culture, and aspirations. On the religious fronts are the Christianity, Islam,
     and the African Traditional Religion; on the ethnic fronts, there are the North
     and South divide on the one hand and the over 350 ethnic tongues and
     tribes on the other, and consequently, Nigeria has a litany of discordant cultures
     and aspirations. State creation is adopted as a tool for
     compartmentalization and coordination of the diversities. The first Head
     of State of Nigeria, Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi paid with his
     life for among other reasons reversing the compartmentalization with his
     notorious unification decree, the Decree 34 of 1966. Gowon reverted to the
     status quo when he took over power from the slain Ironsi. 
 
- Minority
     Fears: In Nigeria, state creation was
     originally conceived as a solution to the problems of ethnic minority
     groups (Akinyele, 2014). The
     ethnic groups in Nigeria are numerous as they vary in sizes. In Nigeria,
     Igbo, Hausa and Yoruba ethnic groups are recognized as the “big three”
     ethnic groups, and at independence, Nigeria’s federal structure stood on
     the tripod of the big three ethnic groups as the Eastern, Northern and
     Western regions respectively. This by implication means that the minorities
     were subsumed under the big three ethnic groups in the various regions.
     This fact sparked both real and fancied fears of domination by the
     minorities which started clamouring for separate spheres for themselves.
     We have said something above about the Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers (COR), Benin
     and Delta, and Mid-West movements for separate political spheres away from
     the giants. The movements resulted from the minority fears of domination
     by the majority tribes. States creations in Nigeria were conscious efforts
     to allaying the fears expressed by the minorities.
 
- Framework
     for Federalism: As a system of
     government, federalism preaches equal power sharing between the centre and
     the component units in such a manner that they are in their respective
     spheres coordinate and independent. Even though the component units of
     Nigeria’s federation were known as regions, they were simply like the
     states as we have it today in the Nigeria’s federation. Component units
     can go by any name including regions, states and provinces, and they are
     sine-qua-non for federal arrangements because there must be a centre and
     the units for federalism to exist.
 
- Even
     and Need-Sensitive Development:
      State creations take governments
     closer to the people so that the needs of the people would be adequately articulated
     and resolved. This is a way of saying that state creation helps people to
     take their destinies in their hands. For instance, there were notable
     regional variations in development in Nigeria in the first republic. There
     were a notable South-North decline in infrastructure, such as primary
     schools, health services, and road density (Weinand, 1973). In 1965, the
     Northern Region, comprising about 79% of Nigeria's total area, had only
     about 39% of the total road mileage. By 1966, disparities were evident as
     the Midwest Region, with 4.6% of the population, had nine times more
     secondary school pupils per thousand people compared to the Northern
     Region. Additionally, in 1965, the North's per capita income was
     approximately 38 naira, whereas Lagos, the Federal Capital Territory and
     the most prosperous area, had a per capita income of 246 naira (Adedeji,
     1969). More states were created in conscious efforts to address these
     development imbalances. Literature abound which demonstrate that the
     development needs of state creations have been a mirage, but then, it is
     worthy of note that it is not all doom since then. 
 
- Elite
     Interests: The elites in Nigeria have
     engineered state creation for achieving a number of interests. The 1967
     state creation was ostensibly for introducing divisions in the former
     Eastern region against Ojukwu’s centrifugal thrusts. The state creation
     was masterfully engineered in a way that confined the core Igbo people within
     the East Central state, and created some sense of “we” versus “them” among
     the people of the former Eastern region. In the beliefs of Nnoli (1978),
     Ake (1985), and Ekekwe (1986), the class contradictions and the
     conflicting interests of the country's dominant social forces drive the
     persistent and intense communal demands for more states, local government
     areas, and an ethnic-based confederacy. Expanding on the class analysis of
     the elitism in state creation, Ayoade (1999) posits that state creation is
     a tactic employed by the northern oligarchy to maintain 'Northern
     ascendancy' in Nigeria. This strategy aims to divide and control the East
     and West, rendering them subservient to the North. What is more, state
     creation is "a veritable source of socioeconomic opportunities and
     political patronage for sectional elites and communities” (Suberu, 1994:
     67-82). It follows therefore that the elites pursue socio-economic and
     political interests via state creations. 
 
- Political
     Participation: This is another reason
     for the creation of the component units in the Nigeria’s federation. New
     states bring new opportunities to the people for political participation.
     The reason is simple; new states entail more seats in the National
     Assembly to be occupied by new set of people. It suffices to say that
     states are represented equally (3 senators per state) in the Senate House,
     while the House of Representatives is based on population, and in both
     Houses, creation of states have implications to the number of states. The
     states also have a horde of elected officials other than the legislators
     at the national level.  This fact
     indicates increase in political participation not just for the elected but
     also the electorate.
 
- Conflict
     Management Strategy: Nigeria is a
     product of British colonial construct which separated kith and kin and
     united strangers with the 1914 amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates.
     Since then, Nigeria has known no peace. It has faced immense political
     instability which climaxed with the Nigeria Civil War between 1967 and
     1970. Successive governments have taken many steps to nation-building
     including creation of states. In this regard, state creation is an ethnic
     conflict management strategy woven into federalism in order to achieve unity
     in diversity. Regrettably however, the state creations as a strategy for
     conflict management constituted yet another source of conflicts in
     Nigeria. For instance, according to Nkwede (2014), during the second
     republic, the Southern states’ agitators reacted vehemently against the
     imbalance in the 19 states structures.   
 
 
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